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[Separate No. 153] 



House Miscellaneous Papers in the Library 
of Congress 

By Asa Currier Tilton, Ph. D. 



JFrom the Prcceeaingf of the State Historical Society or Wisconsin rt 
101 2, pages 227-245J 



Madison 
Published for the Society 

'913 






0. OF 0. 
WAP 25 1918 



House Miscellaneous Papers 



House Miscellaneous Papers in the 
Library of Congress 



By Asa Currier Tilton 

The report of the Librarian of Congress for 1910 records the 
acquisition of a selection from miscellaneous papers of 
the House of Representatives of the United States under a resolu- 
tion of March 5, 1910.^ These papers number some five hundred 
items, chiefly bundles of ordinary file form and size. Their 
miscellaneous character and the inaccessibility of the mass of 
the papers which are still in the possession of the House, give 
interest to a description of this selection in the Library of Con- 
gress, which is typical of the value of those still in the capitol 
and, to some degree at least, of their character and subject mat- 
ter." They were arranged and listed by the writer of these notes, 
while special assistant in the Manuscripts Division ; his comments 
are based,therefore, on an actual handling and examination of all 
the papers.^ The field covered by them is as wide and varied 
as that of the activities of the House and the federal government, 
and even wider. No attempt at a classified description of them 
will here be made, for these notes are intended merely 
to suggest their scope, value, and most striking groups. 

The question of first interest and consequence concerning any 
such body of manuscripts is, it need hardly be said, as to the 



* The phrase "selected House papers", in these notes invariably re- 
fers to this collection in the Manuscripts Division of the Library of 
Congress. The writer desires cordially to acknowledge the assistance 
which he received in the preparation of these notes from Mr. Gaillard 
Hunt, the chief of that division. 

*Mr. J. C. Fitzpatrick began this work, but unfortunately was pre- 
vented by other duties from carrying it far. 

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Wisconsin Historical Society 

amount of unprinted material which it contains. It must at 
once be admitted that in the case of the selected House papers 
no satisfactory and definite answer to this question can be given. 
Until those in the Capitol shall be arranged and listed, we must 
be content with impressions. It would be venturesome to assume 
that this amount varies chronologically; but there seem to be 
more unprinted papers of noticeable interest in earlier than in 
later years. Illustrations appear below, of the fact that the 
official House date is no criterion of the date of historical in- 
terest of a document and its accompanying papers. 

State papers and other important documents of the president, 
departments, and committees are, of course, in print. This is, 
also, usually but not invariably the case when the contents are 
of less moment. All printed copies of bills must be credited with 
manuscript value. Those enacted are in print as laws ; but laws 
are not bills when we are tracing the progress of legislation, 
whether of itself or as the expression of a great national 
movement, like that on the tariff in 1828 or on Kansas-Ne- 
braska in 1854. Printed bills and amendments are of manu- 
script rarity, especially in earlier years. 

No one at all conversant with public documents would be so 
rash as to say that the contents of a House manuscript of a cer- 
tain Congress were not printed, on the basis of an examination 
of the volumes of House documents and reports for that Con- 
gress alone. This increases the difficulty of estimating the pro- 
portion of printed and manuscript material in these papers. 

The writer may say that his work on the selected House pap- 
ers was done after several years' experience in the care and use 
of public documents, and that every evidence and impression 
during the progress of the work indicated the existence in the 
collection of more unprinted material than he had anticipated 
from his previous acquaintance with the printed documents of 
the United States. 

Of next consequence to the proportion of unprinted material, 
is the question whether the manuscripts among the selected 
House papers which are in print have an appreciated value due 
to inaccuracies in printing. If so, they are of manuscript rank. 
The tests which were made show quite clearly that they do 
have such an appreciated value. It should be remarked, however, 
that as a rule the appreciation will be effective only in inveati- 

[228] 



House Miscellaneous Papers 

gations where textual accuracy is essential and vital. The fol- 
lowing collations illustrate these statements. 

"When the death of Washington was announced, Congress 
passed a resolution, December 23, 1799, directing the president 
to extend to ]\lrs. Washington the sympathy and condolence of 
the government and the nation, and to ask her to permit his 
burial in the Capitol. She replied in an autograph letter, dated 
At Mt. Vernon, December 31. This is printed in the House 
Journal and in the Annals for January 8, 1800. The Journal 
(reprint) changes "the great example" to "that great ex- 
ample"; the Annals print the text of the letter correctly, but 
omit the date. As usual in the collations made for these notes, 
the printed texts differ from the manuscript in spelling, punctu- 
ation, capitalization, etc. These variations have not in any 
case been recorded; they are rarely of consequence, and often 
the condition of the copy compelled the printer to follow his 
•own rules and judgment. 

The requirement in the admission of a new State that its 
constitution be approved by federal authority, has brought to 
the House files certified copies in manuscript or print of pro- 
posed constitutions. Examples among the selected House 
papers are : 

A manuscript copy of the Missouri constitution of 1820, and 
printed copies of the Indiana constitution of 1816 and the 
Illinois constitution of 1818. Collations in the Illinois consti- 
tution show that the text printed in the House documents is in 
the main accurate : but in one instance "Ms" is printed for 
"the", and some of the variations in punctuation, etc., which 
seem inexcusable when following the official printed copy, come 
dangerously near altering the meaning of some sentences. 

In ISl'l Gen. Alexander Smith sent to the speaker of the 
House a letter and accompanying papers relating to his con- 
duct of operations on the Niagara frontier in 1812-13 ; they are 
printed in American State Papers, Military Affairs, vol. 1, pp. 
490 ff. Collations showed no printer's errors of consequence, 
but some changes of words were noted. 

In 1790 the War Department sent to the House a document 
containing the returns of troops furnished by the several States 
■during the Revolutionary War. It is printed Ihid, pp. 14 ff. 

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Wisconsin Historical Society 

In the returns for 1778 the total for New York is given both in 
the manuscript and printed text as 2,190, but addition of the 
items makes the total 2,194. For New Jersey the total is given 
correctly in the manuscript as 1,586, but in the printed text as 
1,580. A similar misprint appears in the Virginia returns. In 
the returns for 1779 the grand total is given both in the manu- 
script and printed text as 41,584; addition of the items gives 
45,184. Other tests did not disclose errors, but complete colla- 
tion was not made. The burden of error seems, in this in- 
stance, to rest on the manuscript rather than the printed text. 

On Jan. 18, 1837, the House ordered that papers presented to 
it, which related in any way to slavery, should lie on 
the table without printing, reference, or other action. This is 
the so-called "gag rule", against which John Quincy Adam* 
waged his famous fight for the right of petition. On February 
6 Mr. Adams rose and stated that he held a paper which pur- 
ported to be from slaves and asked the chair to inform him 
whether it came under the order of January 18. A bitter con- 
test ensued, in M^hich the proceedings and debates centered on an 
attempt to censure Mr. Adams. The manuscripts of the reso- 
lutions of censure moved on February 6 and 7 are among the 
selected House papers. At this time both the Congressional 
Debates and the Congressionul Globe were being printed, as well 
as the Journal. The importance of the incident, the character 
of the proceedings, and the existence of three official printed 
texts combine to furnish an unusual opportunity for collation. 

The first resolutions were moved by Mr. Thompson of South 
Carolina, and were followed by a substitute amendment, moved 
by Mr. Haynes. No variations of importance between the manu- 
script and the printed texts were found in either. In the 
modification moved by Mr. Lewis, however, the manuscript reads, 
"petition from slaves." The Journal and Debates print cor- 
rectly, but the Globe has "of slaves." The manuscript also 
reads, "directly incites the slave population to insurrection"; 
this is correctly printed in the Journal and Globe, but the 
Debates have "invites." 

Mr. Thompson's final modification on the 6th shows similar 
discrepancies. In resolution 2 the manuscript reads, "leaving 
the House under that impression," which the Journal prints 
correctly; but the Globe has "such impression", and the De- 

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House Miscellaneous Papers 

bates have "showing the House". In resolution 3 the manu- 
script has either ' ' Hon. " or " said ' ' before Mr. Adams 's name ; 
one word has been written over the other and it is difficult, if 
not impossible, to tell which is final. The Journal prints "said", 
the Globe "Hon.", and the Debates "honorable". On Feb- 
ruary 7 Mr. Dromgoole suggested a modification; here manu- 
script and texts agree. 

"With Mr. Bynum 's amendment the case is quite different. In 
resolution 1 the manuscript reads : 

"That an attempt to present any petition or memorial to this house 
from any slave or slaves negro or free negro from any part of this 
union is a contempt of this house & calculated to embroil it in of 
[sic], strife & confusion incompatible with the dignity of the body, & 
any member guilty of the same, justly subjects himself to the strictest 
censure of the house." 

All printed texts omit the superfluous "of." The Journal 
prints the resolution correctly except that it has "or any mem- 
ber"; the Globe and Debates print as follows: 

"That an attempt to present any petition or memorial from any slave 
or slaves, or free negro, from any part of the Union, is a contempt of 
the House, and calculated to embroil it in a strife and confusion in- 
compatible with the dignity of the body; and that any member guilty 
of the same, justly subjects himself to the censure of the House." 

In resolution 2 the manuscript reads: 

"Resolved Farther that a committee of [sic] be appointed to en- 
quire into the fact whether such attempt has or has not been commit- 
ted by any member of this house & report the same as soon as prac- 
ticable." 

All printed texts omit the superfluous "of" — which, it may 
be added, comes at the end of a line and suggests an intention 
of fixing tlie number of members of the committee. The Journal 
changes "farther" to "further", but otherwise follows the 
manuscript. The Globe and Debates print: 

"Resolved, that a committee be appointed to inquire into the fact 
whether any such attempt has been made by any member of this House 
and report the same to the House as soon as practicable." 

This amendment by Mr. Bynum was subjected to an amend- 
ment introduced by Mr. Patton. In this, again, collation re- 

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Wisconsin Historical Society 

veals decided variations in the printed texts. In resolution 1 
the manuscript had the words, "Resolved, That"; but they 
were crossed out after being written, as they survive from the 
resolutions under amendment. The Journal properly omits 
them, but they are retained by the Glole and Delates, which, 
moreover, omit "and" after "Union," 
In resolution 2 the manuscript reads: 

"Resolved that any member who shall hereafter present any such 
petition to this House ought to be considered as regardless of the feel- 
ings of the house, the rights of the south, and an enemy to the Union." 

The Glohe and Debates print "every member", and "this" 
before House (second occurrence) ; otherwise they follow the 
manuscript accurately. The Journal has "the" before House 
(first occurrence) ; and it omits "of the house, the rights", so 
as to make the resolution read, "feelings of the south and an 
enemy to the Union. ' ' 

In the resolution 3 the manuscript reads "disclaimed all 
design of doing anything disrespectful to the House." The 
Journal prints "designs", and the Glohe and Debates "a 
design". The manuscript further reads, "as to the petition 
purporting to be from slaves". The Journal and Debates printi 
correctly; but the Globe has, "as to the right of petition pur- 
porting to be from slaves. ' ' Finally, the manuscript reads, ' ' all 
further proceedings in regard to his conduct now cease." The 
Journal prints this correctly; but the Globe and Debates have, 
" as to his conduct. ' ' 

The censure was finally disposed of on the 9th by an ad- 
verse vote on resolutions moved by Mr. Bynum in modification 
of his former resolutions. No manuscript of these is present 
among the selected House papers, hence it is impossible to test 
the accuracy of the printed texts. If we assume their correct- 
ness, a comparison with the printed texts of the preceding reso- 
lutions above, might give a wholly false notion concerning the 
modification of his earlier resolutions. 

These resolutions are the hills and forts around which was 
waged a fierce parliamentary battle. Keen minds were con- 
tending over the words and phrases of an enactment of parlia- 
mentary law. Historical treatment of such an incident de- 
mands accuracy of source texts, just as scientific historical de- 

[232] 



House Miscellaneous Papers 

scription of a military battle or campaign demands aeeiirate 
topographical maps as a basis for its narrative and conclusions. 
Yet no one of the official printed texts of the censure resolu- 
tions approaches accuracy, and the Journal, supposedly the au- 
thoritative and final version, contains the most serious of all 
the printer's errors. In this case the manuscripts have an ap- 
preciated value, which we are prone to deny to those about 1837 
and admit only in those of a thousand years or so earlier.^ 

Record of one more collation will be given, and from a docu- 
ment thirty years younger than those just considered. On July 
20, 1867, President Johnson sent a message to the House in re- 
sponse to a resolution of July 8 which asked whether the news- 
paper accounts of a cabinet meeting, at which an interpreta- 
tion of the reconstruction acts was decided on, were authorita- 
tive and complete. The manuscript of the message was col- 
lated with the printed texts in the Journal, Gloie, House Execu- 
tive Document no. 34 (40th Cong., 1 sess.), and Richardson's 
Messages and Papers. The accompanying minutes and orders 
were not collated. 

The message first relates the resolution in summary and in- 
direct quotation, and the manuscript properly uses no quota- 
tion marks. Document no. 34 correctly omits them; but they 
are inserted in the other printed texts. The manuscript reads 
"a publication"; Document no. 34 agrees, but the other texts 
substitute "the". The manuscript reads "21st day of June 
last." Document no. 34 agrees; but the other texts omit 
"day." The manuscript reads "the President and the Cab- 
inet." Document no. 34 and the Glohe print correctly; but 
the Journal and Richardson omit "the" before "Cabinet". The 
manuscript quotes the resolution — correctly, according to the 
Journal and Glohe of July 8 — thus, "or with his knowledge or 
assent." Document no. 34 agrees; but the other texts have, 
"and consent." The manuscript reads, "opinion of the heads 
of the several Executive Departments." Document no. 34 
prints correctly; but the other texts have "opinions." The 



• Some differences between manuscript and text may, naturally, be 
due to changes made in proof; but such variations would be quite dif- 
ferent from those shown in these collations. 



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Wisconsin Historical Society 

manuscript reads, "from those acts." Document no. 34 agrees; 
but the other texts print "these." 

None of the variations listed are, perhaps, of consequence; 
yet no careful editor of historical documents would be willing 
to allow such errors on his pages. It will be noted that Docu- 
ment no. 34 gives the most accurate text of Johnson's message. 
Throughout the selected House papers there is abundant evi- 
dence of the us€ of original manuscripts as printer's copy for, 
the reports and documents of Congress. Other texts, as in the 
Journal, Glohe, etc., would seem to be taken from the printed 
report or document with corresponding increase in liability of 
error. 

Several other messages from President Johnson were col- 
lated with Richardson's text and showed more accurate print- 
ing than that of the message of July 20, 1867. Lack of time 
prevented a collation of the records of the Johnson impeach- 
ment trial among the selected House papers — a promising field 
for such an investigation. 

Manuscripts which have been printed may also have an ap- 
preciated value because they are drafts or copies in which cor- 
rections and changes have been made. Such detail may some- 
times be of consequence in tracing the development of a re- 
port or bill, and occasionally, perhaps, in showing the varia- 
tions and development of opinion and feeling on measures and 
policies, both in Congress and the country. 

The manuscripts of the Adams censure resolutions furnish 
some illustrations. In Mr. Lewis's modification the manuscript 
shows that, "directly incites to insurrection amongst the slave 
population" was first written and then changed to, "directly 
incites the slave population to insurrection." This and sim- 
ilar revisions show the clarification of the ideas of the sup- 
porters of the censure into clear, exact, and forceful expression. 

In 1832 the inhabitants of Michigan Territory residing west 
of Lake Michigan, the later Wisconsin, sent a petition to Con- 
gress on various matters of local importance. One concerned a 
separate territorial government for the region. In setting forth 
reasons for this request, the estimated population is stated to be 
seven thousand. The manuscript, however, shows that "seven" 
is -written over an erasure in a hand different from that of the 

[ 234 ] 



House Miscellaneous Papers 

rest of the text. Examination also discloses the fact that the 
word erased began with "f" which fixes it at either "four" or 
"five" — the space is not sufficient to allow "fifteen." With- 
out attempting to find the significance of the change in this 
particular case it may safely be said that all such connotation^ 
relating to a fluctuating frontier population are welcome 
historical acquisitions. The petition does not appear to have 
been printed. If it were, the printed text would undoubtedly 
give the population as a flat seven thousand without any hint 
of the limitation which the erasure in the manuscript places on 
its correctness. 

On December 31, 1834, proceedings in memory of Lafayette 
were held by Congress, tlie chief feature of which was an ora- 
tion by Mr, Adams. The copy of this oration among the selected 
House papers is an autograph draft which contains corrections, 
changes and omissions. Such a manuscript would be of in- 
terest, perhaps even of considerable value, to an editor or biog- 
rapher. 

Under date of March 4, 1834, a report was made by the com- 
mittee on ways and means on the removal of the public deposits. 
The manuscript indicates careful editing of this, the final draft. 
The editing is confined to the selection of words; but the 
changes uniformly tend to make the language of the report 
more vigorous and direct. It is conceivable that even such 
slight revision might be important evidence in a critical in- 
vestigation concerning an important report — say of its author- 
ship. 

From these notes on the general characteristics and value of 
the selected House papers, we will now turn to a somewhat more 
specific treatment of the subject matter of two classes that yield 
the largest proportion of new material — petitions and claims. 
Not only have more of the documents in these classes remained 
unprinted, but those in print have been published only in part 
or in summaries. Consequently they contain material that may 
be new for two reasons : because in hitherto inaccessible manu- 
scripts, or because it has been overlooked on account of the 
fragmentary manner in which it has been printed. 

Judging from the selected House papers, the House files are 
flooded with petitions. They have flowed in a steady stream — 

16 [ 235 ] 



Wisconsin Historical Society 

individual petitions, petitions with printed text signed and for- 
warded by hundreds, and meniorials of societies and state legis- 
latures. Many have been printed, many not ; often only a sum- 
mary is printed in a report on a petition or group of petitions. 
When printed verbatim, tlie signatures are almost always, if not 
always, omitted; only in exceptional cases, however, do the 
names seem to have any historical value. Whether printed or 
unprinted, the petitions furnish a superabundance of material 
for tracing the growth and fluctuation of public opinion on all 
the great questions and movements of our history. To the stu- 
dent of social and economic history, especially when vieM'ed from 
a local history standpoint, they will often furnish facts and put 
one in touch with local public feeling. This holds true in spite 
of all the adverse criticism which obviously can be made against 
them as historical sources. 

One subject on which there is a very large number of peti- 
tions, as every student of American history would sui*mise, is 
tliat of slavery. In the following illustrations of this class of 
petitions, geographical distribution as well as range of sub- 
ject matter has determined the selection : 

Under date of December 30, 1799, a petition was signed, us- 
ually by mark, by seventy free negroes of Philadelphia. It can 
scarcely have value as an expression of opinion, but its decla- 
rations concerning kidnapping and the slave trade must be given 
same credence unless we assume that local anti-slavery leaders, 
who almost certainly drew it up, would publish concrete state- 
ments that could not be backed by any evidence whatsoever. 
From the years 1800-01 may be noted petitions from slave- 
holders of Maryland and Delaware, complaining of the entic- 
ing away of slaves and of the inadequac}^ of the fugitive slave 
law; they state alleged facts as well as express opinion and 
feeling. Some are re-enforced by personal letters, a proce- 
dure by no means exceptional ; such letters are even less likely 
to be printed, than the petitions themselves. From 1806 we 
have a memorial of the American convention for promoting the 
abolition of slavery, which is accompanied by its printed pro- 
ceedings for 1805. This is representative of a distinct class 
of petitions, those of propagandists with local and national or- 
ganization. The society just mentioned was composed of Quak- 
ers, a fact suggesting a still further value of such petitions — 

[ 236 ] 



House Miscellaneous Papers 

for the study of religious groups and their attitude and activity 
in public and economic affairs. A South Carolina memorial of 
December 29, 1807, asked exemption from the penalties of the 
law prohibiting the slave trade for certain vessels that had un- 
expectedly been delayed so that they could not reach port be- 
fore the following New Year's day, when the law would go 
into effect. Questions culminating in the Missouri Compromise 
of 1820 brought forth a multitude of petitions. From that time 
on, the stream bends and turns with every change in the great 
contest. Only the memorials from bodies organized for a defin- 
ite and specific purpose hold to a steady course, and even that 
is altered as new conditions arise. 

A bundle of petitions of the year 1827 well illustrates the 
usual geographical distribution of a group. It contains peti- 
tions from the American Colonization Society and from the 
states of Vermont, New York, Ohio, Delaware, Maryland, North 
Carolina, South Carolina, and Tennessee. Some in this bundle 
relate to slavery in the District of Columbia, a favorite theme 
for a number of years, but most refer to manumissioa and 
African colonization. Some petitions favoring colonization, as 
one from Tennessee in 1832, advocate a colony in the West along 
the lines of the Indian Territory. Many petitions relating to 
slavery, from 1837 and succeeding years, bear endorsements in 
the hand of Mr. Adams and give ample evidence of the tire- 
less persistence of his fight against the order of the House con- 
cerning such papers. The order itself furnished occasion for 
countless memorials. 

In the midst of the innumerable slavery petitions of the thir- 
ties we find no inconsiderable number against duelling. These 
were inspired by the Graves-Cilley duel. The records of the 
investigation of the affair are among the selected House papers. 
In this duel, fought on February 24, 1838, William Graves, 
a representative from Kentucky, shot and killed Jonathan 
Cilley, a representative from iMaine. A petition from Ports- 
mouth, N. H., relating to this affair, contains the following ex- 
presssions: "murder of the late Hon. Mr. Cilley of Maine by 
the political associate of Daniel Webster, and John Bell of 
Tennessee"; and, "the murderer of Mr. Cilley, his employer, 
the infamous Webb, and the United States Bank, which gave 
the last named person the power to do mischief, are equally 

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Wisconsin Historical Society 

entitled to our abhorrence." These words are from the native 
state of both Mr. "Webster and Mr. Cilley — a state, also, which 
is contiguous on either side to the states which they represented 
in Congress at the time of the duel. One would have to search 
long among the slavery petitions to find words equal in hys- 
terical virulence to those just quoted. Such a petition is an 
invaluable balance wheel to any interpretation of the public 
opinion of that decade on slavery and other great questions. 

Like slavery, the tariff has moved the country to pour forth 
its soul in petitions. Their contents often combine with the 
tariff, related questions of commerce and industry. In the years 
preceding the War of 1812-15 the political and military situa- 
tion in Europe, the embargo and non-intercourse acts, and the 
tariff appear side by side in the text of many of the memorials. 
The basis of these petitions is often laid in a statement of facts 
concerning general economic conditions in a state, a locality, 
or a city. Sometimes documents or letters containing further 
statements and facts are filed with the petitions. A few ex- 
amples of this class of petitions follow. 

In 1805 and 1806 the hatters in various states petitioned for 
better regulation of the Indian fur-trade, which they claimed 
was conducted in a manner unfair to them. The facts in the 
petitions and accompanying: papers relate to the fur-trade an 
well as to the hat industry. 

About 1803 the printers were seeking to prevent a higher 
duty on type and to secure a higher tariff on books. x\t the 
same time the paper-makers were asking for a higher duty on 
paper and the removal of that on rags. One of the arguments 
of the printers against the duty on type was, that it would 
encourage the importation of foreign books and by thus in- 
juring the native art of printing would strengthen the empire 
of ignorance and vice in America. With equal sincerity, a 
higher duty on books is supported by the argument that it 
would prevent the general importation of foreign books, many 
of which are trivial or corrupting, and would enable American 
printers to select and print only the good books among them. 

In this same year a eork-cutter of Philadelphia in asking for 
favorable tariff duties makes the following declaration: 

That from the great encrease in the business of bottling Porter, Beer, 
Ale, Cider & wine in the United States within these few years, your 

[238] 



House Miscellaneous Papers 

petitioner was induced to leave his native Country, dissatisfied with 
the maxims of Government there, and to come and seek an asylum 
against despotic principles in this land of freedom where he expected 
to have his industry protected, well knowing that it must add to the 
national wealth. 

From the years 1817-18 the selected House papers have pe- 
titions, from various states relating to the iron, paper, um- 
brella, harness-fixtures, mirror, wood-carving, and gilding in- 
dustries. A South Carolina petition dated 1822 describes the 
injury to the lumber industry of that state from the prohibi- 
tion of trade v^ith the West Indies in British vessels. When 
the Baltimore & Ohio railroad was building, its projectors pe- 
titioned to be allowed to import iron free of duty. This brought 
a vigorous counter-petition from Philadelphia, in which empha- 
sis is laid on the fact that the railroad had won support by con- 
vincing people that its construction would aid the iron in- 
dustry. 

The tariff of 1828 — "the tariff of abominations" — in 
view of the bitterness of the support and opposition which it 
met, as well as through its relation to South Carolina nullifica- 
tion is one of the most famous of our tariffs. In the years 
immediately preceding its enactment, tariff petitions are num- 
erous. A larger proportion than usual appears to have been 
printed. Even a cursory survey of the bundles disclosed peti- 
tions from Delaware, Georgia, Indiana, Maryland, ]\Iissauri, 
North Carolina, Ohio, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Vir- 
ginia. Some are so elaborate that they rise to the dignity of 
pamphlet form. Those from South Carolina set forth quite 
fully the feeling and opinions of its citizens. A by no means 
inadequate sketch of the public opinion of the whole country 
on this tariff could be written from the memorials among the 
selected House papers alone. 

Mention of a few miscellaneous petitions will indicate some 
of the fields in which the less numerous classes of petitions con- 
tribute information. 

In 1806, the vrarriors of the Upper and Dower Sauduskies pe- 
titioned for a reservation at the rapids of the Lower Sandusky. 
The signers give their totems and names. Accompanying the 
memorial are letters concerning these Indians, from General 
Hull and the Western Missionary Society. Petitions in favor 

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Wisconsin Historical Society 

of Indian betterment (as from Ohio in 1822) ask for regula- 
tion of trade and of whiskey selling, the establishment of schools, 
etc. 

The citizens of western Pennsylvania memorialized Congress 
in 1807 on the hardsliips and injustice to which they were sub- 
jected by the "unconstitutional" powers of the Federal courts. 

In 1814 the New York banks made objection by memorial, 
on technical banking grounds, to the incorporation of the Bank 
of the United States. The later history of the bank is repre- 
sented in the selected House papers by petitions for and against 
it, and by various other papers. 

A poor men's petition from Ohio in 1820, asks amendment 
of the public land laws. It begins thus: "The poori Mans 
petetion psalms 41 Blessed is He that Considereth the poore." 

In 1836 a petition from mechanics and others of Buffalo was 
presented, asking for a ten-hour day. The signers state that 
they are obliged to work twelve to fourteen hours a day, which 
leaves them no time for rest and mental improvement. In a 
petition like this, which falls in the beginnings of a great na- 
tional or world movement, the signatures may be of value in 
tracing the social genealogy of its early adherents. 

Immigration and naturalization are subjects on which Con- 
gress has been frequently memorialized. Such documents seem, 
usually, to be from alien residents and ask for more lenient 
naturalization laws. Some were more pointedly directed against 
those who were hostile to all persons of foreign birth. A me- 
morial of the year 1818 marks another type of immigration pe- 
tition. In it a band of Swiss immigrants asks for a grant of 
public land. To each signature is added the name of the can- 
ton in Switzerland from which the signer came, a fact giving 
the petition much value from a genealogical and biographical 
standpoint. 

Internal improvements called forth many petitions, especially 
from the newer parts of the country. Not only do these show 
local public opinion relative to such projects, but in the course 
of argument for or against an improvement, they relate many 
facts concerning local conditions ; sometimes these facts are elab- 
orated in accompanying letters, papers, and maps. Of some- 
what similar nature are petitions relating to the postal service. 
"When these, together with reports, bills, and laws, concern the 

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House Miscellaneous Papers 

abandonment or change of old offices and routes, or the estab- 
lishment of new ones, they furnish material for studies in the 
shifting and expansion of population. 

The section of the selected House papers which is most 
purely manuscript, and contains papers of greatest individual 
interest and value, is that of private claims. "When a claim is 
reported on, the formal document is usually printed — in sub- 
stance at least, and sometimes with accompanying papers; but 
the latter, which commonly are of greater historical value than 
the formal claim, are more often left unprinted. 

For several generations after the war, claims for Revolutionary 
pensions and bounty lands were continually being presented. 
Reuben Colbum of Maine and his heirs kept such a claim be- 
fore Congress from 1795 to 1832, for furnishing guides, boats, 
and supplies up the Kennebec River to the Quebec expedition 
of 1775. The substance of the papers has been printed; but 
the originals contain further detail of interest. Among them 
are "Washington's orders to Colbum and a list of the guides 
and carpenters employed. With a claim made by Gen. Moses 
Hazen in 1804 for loss of British half-pay, is enclosed his com- 
mission as lieutenant in the British army, signed in 1761 by 
Gen. Jeffrey Amherst. Filed with a claim of heirs of Samuel 
Campbell for remuneration for his losses at the Cherry Valley 
massacre in November, 1778, are several noteworthy papers. 
One is a schedule of losses, made by Campbell himself, which 
would furnish some facts relating to economic conditions among 
the settlers. Another is a letter from Joseph Brant to a friend, 
dated July 9, 1778, in which he refers to collecting supplies 
and rifles, to fighting the cruel rebels, and to having heard that 
the Cherry Valley people made light of the British party and 
called them ' ' wild geese. ' ' These papers were not printed with 
the report on the claim. 

A claim entered in 1815 by the agent of the crew of the U. S- 
brig "Syren," for prize money due on captures in the war 
with Tripoli, is supported by various original papers relating 
to the operations of the brig. One is a letter by Commodore 
Preble, written at Gibraltar, September 19, 1803, to the com- 
mander of the "Syren", giving him orders and instructions. 
Mention may be made here of an application for office in 1824 
by James L. Cathcart, in which he gives an account of his life 

[241] 



Wisconsin Historical Society 

in the Barbaiy states after his capture in 1785, and adds some 
remarks on our relations with those states. 

From the first, westward immigration and settlement fur- 
nished occasion for thousands of claims, especially claims relat- 
ing to lands. The papers and information subsidiary to the 
claims range over a wide field of fact. A claim or petition for 
recognition of title, made in 1804 by the Company of Military 
Adventurei*s, is a case in point. This company was formed in 
1763 by men who had served in the colonial wars; it obtained 
lands in British West Florida and established a settlement in 
the Mississippi-Yazoo region, but its progress and expansion 
were interfered with by the Revolutionary War. The briefs, 
depositions, and other papers filed with the claim furnish an 
ample body of material on the histoiy of the project. 

Of quite different character is the claim of Daniel Pettibone 
in 1819-20, concerning a disputed patent of a process for weld- 
ing east-steel to iron or other steel. The accompanying papers 
supplement the records of the Patent Office ; possibly some of 
them would be found to be missing from the latter files. There 
is much evidence in the selected House papers of the readiness 
with, which original papers were in early days sent to Congress 
from the departments. It is clear that some were -promptly re- 
turned; but others, still found in the House files, awaken the 
suspicion that they are originals that never were sent back. 

In 1818 a considerable number of slaves were captured by 
the United States authorities on the vessels "Constitution", 
"Louisa", and "Merino". The trouble which they caused the 
government is famous. Aside from the iuformation on the case 
itself, the papers in the claims for remuneration for care of the 
captive negroes, made by F, W. Armstrong, John Haines, and 
Taliaferro Livingston, set down in detail facts relating to the 
cost of keeping negroes, the value of slave labor, etc. 

The claims among the selected House papers that have pro- 
duced the most striking historical manuscripts, are those for 
unpaid salaries and expenses of diplomatic agents of the United 
States. Such is a claim made in 1832 by Michael Hogan, who 
was consul in Chile during 1821 and several succeeding years. 
His functions often included our diplomatic affairs, and ex- 
tended beyond the confines of Chile. The accompanying pap- 
ers, many of them copies of official correspondence, contain ma- 

[242 1 



House Miscellaneous Papers 

terial on political, conunercial, and other affairs on the west 
coast of South America and on our relations and interests there. 
In one letter, something is said of affairs in Alaska from in- 
formation gained from a Russian ship bound thither. 

Truly remarkable for the wealth of accompanying papers is 
the claim of the heirs of William Carmichael, which was before 
Congress in 1840-43. Carmichael was secretary to the Amer- 
ican commissioners in Paris in 1776-77 ; during the years 
1778-80 he was a member of the Continental Congress, and 
from then until 1794 was attached to our embassy at Madrid, 
first as secretary to Mr. Jay and then as charge d'affaires. In 
1792 he was associated with Mr. Short in the negotiations on 
the Mississippi question. 

In 1777 Carmichael was our immediate representative in the 
discussions and arrangements concerning Lafayette's entering 
the American service. Doniol states that this was because he 
was less known than Silas Deane, hence better suited to ensure the 
necessary secrecy. The episode finds record in a number of 
letters filed with the claim ; some are by Lafayette and some by 
his wife, in his name or in her own. One interesting letter is by 
De Kalb, written on March 14 in English, concerning a call 
by Carmichael on Lafayette who was then in hiding at Chaillot. 
It says, "The Marq^. does not dare to go out of his lodgings at 
Chaillos [sic]." Directions are then given for finding the lodg- 
ings, with the instruction to ask for the gentleman who rooms on 
the first floor; the injunction is added, "he must not be named." 
The accepted story is, that at this time Lafayette was in hid- 
ing in De Kalb 's house or lodgings. If this be true, the letter just 
described is curiously impersonal in its detailed instructions. 
Of later letters by Lafayette, mention may be made of one 
written in 1785, M^ien Carmichael was in Madrid, relating to 
the Mississippi question ; and of one written in 1788, giving 
some account of conditions in France. Few if any of these 
letters are in print. 

There are also letters from Silas Deane, Ralph Izard, Robert 
Morris, Gouverneur Morris, Paul Jones, and others. These 
are chiefly devoted to American affairs in Europe, during the 
Revolution and the years following. 

From the Spanish period of Carmichael 's diplomatic career 
are equally striking papers. Under date of July 9, 1784, is a 

[243] 



Wisconsin Historical Society 

letter (or autograph copy) from Carmichael to Franklin, which 
touches on various personal and public matters. There are also 
several letters from Jefferson; one of these, dated at New York,. 
August 6, 1790, and characteristically clear and efficient, con- 
tains general instructions to the embassy at Madrid under our 
new government. There are also letters from Americans in 
captivity in Algiers, giving lists of the captives there in 1785. 
Interesting, also, are some papers relating to routine matters, 
such as bills for rent, postage, copying, and stationery. A num- 
ber of letters bear witness to Carmichael 's close relations with 
the Gardoqui family — he was in debt to them in 1787. Under 
date of October 21, 1785, is a bill of "1151 reals de vellon" for 
putting up the arms of the United States over the door of jMr. 
Carmichael 's residence. Rather amusing is an autograph note 
from Florida Blanca to Carmichael, written Sept. 7, 1785. He 
therein states that Carmichael's landlord has asked his assist- 
ance in an alleged dispute concerning house rent, and commends 
the matter to Carmichael's attention with an expression of 
confidence that he will settle it with his usual exactness. 

It would be possible to continue at far greater length with 
illustrations from o1her groups among these papers. Enough, 
however, has been done, to show the wide range of their possible 
value. With the collection from the standpoint of the historical 
relic and of the autograph, these notes have no concern. From 
the bibliographical standpoint, it should be said that scattered 
through these papers are many broadsides and pamphlets — 
some are early public documents — many of which are now of ex- 
ceeding rarity and value. 

So far as can be judged from the selected House papers, the 
destruction of the House records in 1814 is a myth. They cer- 
tainly make the question an open one for a very interesting 
study.* Curiously enough, the origin of the British admiral's 



* This agrees with the report of the clerks in charge of the records, 
in Amer. State Papers, Misc., ii, p. 245. Their report seems to mean 
that they first removed "the manuscript records" (i. e., the miscellan- 
eous papers) and then as many of "the most valuable books and 
[bound or possibly printed] papers" as they could. Their statement 
that "the most material papers" lost were the current "volumes" of 
certain committee records, and the originals of the secret journals is 
further evidence in support of this interpretation. 

[244] 



House Miscellaneous Papers 

orders to his ships in the Potomac to withdraw, is among the 
selected House papers. It was sent to the ships by an in- 
habitant of the region, and thence came to a House investigat- 
ing committee.'' 



• In the report of the Librarian of Congress for 1912, pp. 38, 39 is a 
complimentary reference to Dr. Tilton's work in the classification, ar- 
ranging, and cataloging of the House miscellaneous papers described 
above. — Ed. 



[245] 



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